Amenhotep III is one of the most powerful and influential Pharaohs to ever rule Egypt. He became one of the few to be able to leave a great legacy in the ancient history books. He is one of the most famous rulers in history, who was highly successful in creating a majestic legacy worthy of admiration by everyone who ever came across it.
During his reign in the New Kingdom of Egypt (1570 – 1050 BC), Egypt reached the ultimate peak of international and artistic power, which further strengthened Egypt’s reputation as the most incredible civilization to ever exist on the face of the earth. He was known for his sophisticated artistic taste, architectural innovations, and very enlightened vision for the future.
Life and Family of Amenhotep III
The ninth monarch of the 18th dynasty, Amenhotep III (1386–1353 BC), is said to have been the son of Tuthmosis IV through his minor wife Mutemwiya. Tutankhamun’s grandfather was the monarch Akhenaten. Following the death of his father, Thutmose IV, at the age of twelve, he assumed the throne and ruled for 38 years. After getting married to Tiy, he had four daughters and two sons.
Tiye, his wife, was treated equally to her husband, demonstrating their peace and equality. In addition, he had daughters from Babylonian, Arzawa, and Syrian monarchs, as well as Gilukhepa and Tadukhepa from Mitanni. He wed his daughters Sitamun and Iset during the final ten years of his rule.
He was regarded as a talented leader and an excellent politician. He was a skilled hunter, as evidenced by scarabs that claim he killed 110 lions in the first ten years of his rule, and a sportsman, as evidenced by several inscriptions that also detail his military missions.
Hobbies & Titles of King Amenhotep III
His throne name, Neb-maat-re, means “Lord of Truth is Re,” while his birth name, “Amenhotep-Heqawaset,” means “Amun is pleased, the Ruler of Thebes.” Amenhotep the Great and Amenhotep the Magnificent were two of his many nicknames.
He is known by a number of names, including Nebma’atre, who is related to the satisfied god Maat, and Amenophis III, Amana-Hatpa, and Amunhotep II, which are associated with the idea of the contented god Amun.
As you might expect from any member of the royal family, the great Pharaoh Amenhotep III had some amazing interests. These included hunting adventures, particularly with lions, who were seen as a symbol of royal strength, collecting precious objects, creating artwork, and more.
Pharaoh Amenhotep III’s Achievements
Amenhotep III, son of Habu, devoted his life to ensuring Egypt maintained the best standards of peace and wealth, which led to an amazing creative revolution. He was able to establish new benchmarks for quality and realism.
He is well known for creating the most captivating temples and buildings throughout Egypt, particularly at Memphis and, more significantly, Thebes. He also expanded Egypt’s territory and empire by military conquests into Nubia, which enhanced Egypt’s wealth and fortified its boundaries.
Reign of Amenhotep III
When he came to the throne of Egypt at the age of twelve, he ruled a great kingdom that ruled supreme, containing immense size, power, and wealth. Throughout his rule, he favored peaceful negotiations and pursuits over war.
Amenhotep III was a true master of Diplomacy as he made many diplomatic exchanges with other great nations, as confirmed by the Amarna Letters, which show he would send lavish gifts of gold to other nations so that they could bend to his will, and also it was an exchange for copper, horses, and lapis lazuli, all the way from Asia.
International Relations of Amenhotep III
He made political marriages with a number of daughters and sisters from the rulers of Mitanni, Babylon, and Hittites in order to consolidate alliances. During his rule, he made many diplomatic expeditions across Cyprus, Assyria, and more. His high level of generosity and understanding made him establish several profitable relationships with all his neighboring countries.
He refused the requests to send Egyptian women as wives to foreign rulers. He improved the entire atmosphere to express the policies and religion, which encouraged the establishment of the most amazing building projects and arts.
One of Amenhotep III’s most important decisions was restricting the powers of Amun priests by recognizing other cults, one of which is the special form of Ra, the sun god known as Aten, and later on, his son Akhenaton called for the worship of one god, which launched a failed religious revolution.
Ancient Egyptian Science and Its Influence on Early Electrical Concepts
An analysis of ancient Egyptian knowledge and its possible influence on early electrical concepts and scientific thought. Most modern technology relies on electricity as its fuel. Many devices simply won’t work without energy. The world has become so reliant on electricity that many individuals struggle to live without it.
When researching the originator of electricity, numerous sources attribute it to the Greek scientist Thales of Miletus. However, all of the materials you locate will ignore the fact that Thales of Miletus learnt his wisdom in Kemet, also known as ancient Egypt.
A set of papers published in the International Journal of Antiquity has revealed that ancient Egyptians may have had access to a technology that, in our modern world, only took off over the last few decades. While it has been known since the 1930s that single chemical batteries were used for gold electroplating in Egypt thousands of years ago, until now, it was believed that these could only have been recharged by placing the chemicals and copper rods inside. However, thanks to groundbreaking research, it is now known that Egyptians had access to a primitive form of solar power.
Using only simple tools, they were able to use obsidian – a type of volcanic glass composed mostly of silicon, with high levels of naturally occurring baron – to construct simple solar cells using hand-drawn copper wire. While modern solar panels are much more efficient, power from these very basic cells would have been sufficient for electroplating and potentially other uses.
Ancient Egyptian Battery Technology – Egypt Tours Portal
Pieces of etched obsidian stone were found when the ground was broken for a new shopping complex, only hundreds of meters from the great pyramids. The stones were dated to the Old Kingdom of Egypt, which ruled the Nile Valley from 4201 years ago. They were etched on both sides with shallow grooves containing traces of copper. Similar pieces of obsidian with intact copper laid in it had been found in the past, but were believed to be jewelry. These pieces, however, were much too large for that.
Many researchers agree that in the distant past, electricity was widely utilised in the land of the Pharaohs, with the Baghdad Battery being one of the most discussed examples of such advanced technology.
The existence of ancient Egyptian electroplating since the 1930s can be traced to when Walter Konig discovered what is now called the Baghdad Battery. It is now thought that electroplating is a development that came along after the original uses of ancient solar electricity. It is believed that one of these was a form of primitive electric lighting.
While most people are aware that solar panels turn light into electricity, very few know that if the current is run the other way, a solar panel will give off light. This feature is used to test solar panels to check for microcracks and other defects in what is known as electroluminescence testing.
No soot has been found in the corridors of the pyramids or the tombs of the kings because these areas were lit using electricity. Relief carvings could also show that the Ancient Egyptians used hand-held torches powered by cable-free sources. The arc lamp used in the Lighthouse of Alexandria is further evidence that electricity might have been used in ancient Egypt.
Moreover, experiments with models of the Baghdad Battery have produced between 3 and 5 volts. This is not a lot of “juice,” when you compare it with modern standards, but it was enough to power “something” some thousands of years ago.
Numerous sources extend credit for the invention of electricity to Thales of Miletus. Scholars claimed that he discovered that when amber was rubbed with other materials, it became charged with an unknown force that had the power to attract objects such as dried leaves, feathers, bits of cloth, and other lightweight material.
Professor Anaya Khan, a scientist from Egypt, shed some light on this saying, “Of all the sources investigated, all of them omitted the fact that Thales of Miletus received an education in ancient Kemet. His ability for keen observation can be attributed to the people of ancient Kemet.
He studied in Egypt and Babylon, bringing back knowledge of physics, astronomy, and mathematics. Documented evidence shows that the Babylonians copied and obtained all of their knowledge from the people of ancient Kemet.”
Although the Kemites did not directly invent electricity, their influence and teachings enabled Thales of Miletus to discover the invention that eventually had an enormous impact on the development of electricity.
A delegation from the West African Regional Union, ECOWAS, has left Guinea-Bissau after the president threatened to dismiss it.
The delegation was sent to Guinea-Bissau last month to assist in reaching a “political consensus” on how to hold elections this year. It stated that it had “prepared a draft agreement on a roadmap for elections” and had begun presenting it to stakeholders for their approval.
ECOWAS, however, chose to leave early on Saturday morning in response to President Umaro Sissoco Embalo’s warning.
It said it will now give its report to the ECOWAS president, which would include a proposal for an accord that will lead to “inclusive and peaceful elections”.
Embalo has not responded to the bloc’s accusation.
There has been heightened tension in Guinea-Bissau over when his five-year mandate ends.
The opposition says his term as president expired last week, but the Supreme Court of Justice ruled that it ends on 4 September.
A new round of general elections was due to take place last November, but Embalo postponed them and has since announced they will take place on the 30 November this year.
Guinea-Bissau has experienced several military coups since its independence in 1974, and there have been two attempts to overthrow Embalo, the latest in December 2023.
This led him to dissolve the opposition-dominated parliament.
The opposition last Thursday called for a nationwide strike, on the day they said the president’s term was expiring, with the government deploying security forces across the capital.
Embalo travelled to Moscow the day before where he held talks with Russia President Vladimir Putin, reportedly discussing developing cooperation between the two countries.
Junta leader Doumbouya declared the winner of Guinea’s presidential election
General Mamdi Doumbouya, the leader of the Junta, has been proclaimed the winner of Guinea’s presidential election, according to incomplete results announced late Tuesday.
The election is the first since the coup that deposed President Alpha Condé in 2021, and it is widely regarded as a strategy of legitimising Doumbouya’s continued rule.
“After centralizing, verifying, and compiling the provisional results of the first round of the presidential election on December 22, 2025, acting in strict compliance with the law, I hereby declare that Mr. Mamadi Doumbouya, candidate of the GMD, having obtained an absolute majority of the valid votes cast, is provisionally declared elected in the presidential election of December 28, 2025,” Djenabou Touré, of Guinea’s General Directorate of Elections, told reporters on Tuesday.
Doumbouya faced eight other candidates but the opposition has been weakened by a crackdown on dissent and the dissolution of more than 50 political parties. Major opposition candidates were either barred from running or are in exile.
Yéro Baldé, a former education minister in Condé’s government, came a distant second with 6.5 percent of the votes.
The directorate said that 80.9 percent of the 6.7 million registered voters had cast their ballots.
The vote was held under a new constitution approved in a referendum in September. It revokes a ban on military leaders running for office and extends the presidential term from five years to seven.
Despite Guinea’s rich mineral resources — including as the world’s biggest exporter of bauxite, used to make aluminum — more than half of its 15 million people are experiencing record levels of poverty and food insecurity, according to the World Food Program.
Numerous elections in Africa made headlines in 2025, as well as military takeovers and some coups, which were just as important aspects of the continent’s political climate. There are a few parts of Africa where vulnerability of constitutional governance has been brought to light by armed interventions, which ranged from successful power seizures to quickly put down mutinies.
Guinea‑Bissau – November 2025
The presidential election in Guinea-Bissau on November 23, 2025, was halted when armed individuals confiscated and destroyed important election materials.
Regional and international actors swiftly condemned the security forces’ actions against President Umaro Sissoco Embaló on November 26 and 27, when they seized control of institutions and stopped the results announcement.
The incident left the political atmosphere tense and unpredictable until late December and added another chapter to Guinea-Bissau’s lengthy history of disrupted democratic transitions.
Benin – December 2025
In Benin, a group of soldiers briefly claimed to have overthrown the government in early December, using the national broadcaster to announce that President Patrice Talon had been deposed. Loyal forces quickly retook control, arrested the suspected ringleaders and described the events as a failed coup attempt with no broad backing in the army. Authorities stressed that constitutional order and day‑to‑day governance remained in place, presenting the episode as an isolated challenge rather than a full‑blown power shift.
Côte d’Ivoire – Tensions around the polls
In Côte d’Ivoire, security concerns and political tensions sharpened in the run‑up to the October 2025 presidential election, amid periodic reports of unrest and discontent within parts of the security forces. Officials insisted that any suspected plots or indiscipline would be contained and that the electoral calendar would proceed, but the atmosphere underlined how anxieties about military involvement in politics persist across the region even without a declared coup.
Sahel juntas – No new coups, entrenched rule
Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger did not experience fresh coups in 2025, but all three remained under military juntas that had seized power in earlier years.
Their leaders deepened security cooperation, including joint anti‑insurgency initiatives, while facing ongoing criticism over delayed transitions, shrinking civic space and the absence of new electoral mandates.
Analysts argue that these entrenched regimes blur the line between military and civilian governance by normalising long‑term army rule without clear democratic renewal.
A year of fragile gains
Taken together, the year underscored that coups and coup attempts remain a real and evolving threat in Africa, even as many countries continue to hold regular elections.
Failed takeovers, like the one in Benin, still reveal deep institutional weaknesses, while successful or prolonged military rule in places such as Guinea‑Bissau and the Sahel reshapes political life and raises questions about the durability of democratic gains.
For many citizens, the danger in 2025 lay not only in tanks appearing on city streets, but also in the gradual acceptance of soldiers as permanent political actors rather than temporary guardians of the state.
Renegotiating mining treaties allows Mali to reclaim more than USD 1.2 billion.
After renegotiating mining agreements and performing a sector-wide examination, the Mali government was able to collect at least USD 1.2 billion.
One of the biggest resource governance initiatives in Mali’s recent history, the government announced earlier this month that it had obtained over 761 billion CFA francs (roughly USD 1.2 billion) in unpaid revenue from mining companies after conducting a thorough audit and renegotiating contracts in the extractive industry.
Mali is the third-largest producer of gold in Africa and one of the top 20 producers in the world. The country’s economy is mostly dependent on mining.
Yet, in light of the disparity in the amount of minerals exported and the revenue that Mali was obtaining for them, authorities concluded that the country was not receiving its fair share of benefits from its natural resources.
Under the leadership of President Assimi Goïta, the transitional government ordered a full audit of mining companies operating in the country. The review revealed that the state had lost approximately CFA 300 billion and 600 billion (USD 480 million–USD 960 million) in revenue due to unfavorable contracts, tax gaps, and weak oversight. This prompted the government to renegotiate agreements and introduce sweeping legal reforms.
As a result, Mali recovered more than CFA 761 billion in unpaid revenues, reinforcing state finances at a time of economic pressure and political transition. The move has been part of a broader strategy by the government to assert greater sovereignty over strategic resources and ensure that mining contributes more directly to national development.
In 2023, the mining sector contributed 644 billion CFA francs (about USD 1 billion) to Mali’s state budget, representing 21.5% of total government revenue for the year and a slight increase from 2022. Gold remained the dominant product, with 70 tons produced during the year.
Of the total mining revenue in 2023, CFA 644 billion came directly from mining companies, while CFA 3 billion (around USD 4.7 million) came from social payments such as housing taxes, flat-rate contributions, and professional training levies linked to employee wages.
The sector’s contribution to GDP also rose. Including gold, the extractive industry accounted for 6.3% of GDP in 2023, up from 5.9% in 2022. Exports from the sector amounted to CFA 500 billion (about USD 784 million), making up nearly three-quarters of Mali’s total export earnings. Mining activities also generated 61,023 new jobs in 2023, including 10,000 direct jobs.
A key pillar of the reforms was the adoption of a new Mining Code in 2023, which replaced the 2019 law. The new legislation significantly increases state participation in mining projects. It grants the government a 10% free carried interest in all mining operations and allows the state to acquire an additional 20% equity stake within the first two years of commercial production.
The code also requires mining companies to sell an additional 5% stake to local investors, potentially raising combined state and local ownership to 35%, up from a previous maximum of 20%. Authorities argue that this change will deepen local participation, improve revenue capture, and strengthen linkages between mining and the wider economy.
Mali’s recovery of unpaid revenues and overhaul of mining laws points towards a decisive shift in how the country manages its mineral wealth going forward. For the government, the reforms are presented as a step toward economic justice and national sovereignty, while for investors they mark a new regulatory environment with stronger state oversight and participation.
Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger (The Alliance of Sahel States) strengthened their regional security with a single military force and convened their second AES summit in the same week, marking a historic turning point in Sahelian sovereignty.
The Alliance of Sahel States (AES) has formally established a joint military force to fight terrorism and Islamist insurgency throughout the Sahel, marking a significant step towards regional self-defence. On December 20, 2025, a ceremony was performed at an air base in Bamako, the capital of Mali, to launch the force officially.
Army General Assimi Goïta, Mali’s Transitional President, Head of State, Supreme Chief of the Armed Forces, and departing President of the AES, presided over the event.
The event was the formal handover of the Unified Force of the AES banner, marking the operationalization of a long-declared commitment by Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger to jointly secure the sovereignty of their territories.
The Alliance of Sahel States Military Force
About 5,000 soldiers from the Alliance of Sahel States make up the recently formed force, called as the FU AES. In order to combat armed groups that have been causing instability in a significant portion of the Sahel for more than ten years, it is intended to combine air power, intelligence sharing, and coordinated ground operations.
Malian General Aliou Boï Diarra spoke to the assembly, highlighting the banner’s moral and historical significance in a highly symbolic and moving address. According to him, the banner is much more than just a ceremonial item.
“The standard that you are presenting to the unified AES force represents a memory, a will, an irreversible commitment. It profoundly affirms a certainty now deeply engraved in the hearts of our beloved peoples. This is indeed a truly historic and momentous act,” General Diarra said.
Diarra declared that the banner embodied sacrifice and struggle rather than decoration: “This sacred standard is not merely a decorative symbol. It is the profound and enduring result of precious blood bravely shed, immense courage valiantly embraced, and fundamental truth profoundly rediscovered.”
Paying tribute to the fallen, he added:
“To our cherished martyrs, to all innocent civilians, and to the brave soldiers who have fallen in battle, I humbly pay a solemn and heartfelt tribute beneath the eternal snow. They did not die in vain.”
Mali’s leader, General Goïta, in his own address, described the launch as a historic turning point for the Sahel. He began by saluting the defense leadership and troops of the region.
“On this significant occasion, I would like to extend my sincere congratulations and profoundly salute the exceptional courage, unwavering professionalism, steadfast commitment, and resolute determination of the ministers of defense, the chiefs of general staff, and especially all the brave defense and security forces of the AES area for the remarkable achievements they have made in their relentless fight against armed terrorist groups,” he said.
The AES president recalled that since the Niamey Mutual Initiative (NMI) declaration of July 6, 2024, joint military operations have already been underway, noting that they resulted in the neutralization of several terrorist leaders and the destruction of multiple insurgent sanctuaries.
According to Goïta, “All these positive results were achieved thanks to meticulous planning, timely and effective intelligence sharing, and above all the comprehensive pooling of our collective efforts and resources.”
He further announced key institutional steps consolidating the unified force, including the appointment of a new commander, the establishment of a central command post in the strategic city of Niamey, and the assignment of specialized battalions fully dedicated to AES operations. He stressed that the task ahead would require adaptability to the evolving tactics of armed groups.
“It is now critically important for the new commander not only to anticipate the increasingly complex operating methods of terrorist groups, but above all to resolutely continue this crucial fight to secure the entire Sahel region and ensure lasting peace and stability.”
General Goïta added that the conflict confronting the Sahel is multidimensional, “This war is not only military. It is also political, economic, and informational.”
He identified what he described as three major threats facing Sahelian states: armed terrorist violence, economic terrorism, and media terrorism. In response, he noted that the confederation has adopted a comprehensive strategy that goes beyond battlefield operations.
“We have taken measures to counter these threats not only by establishing this unified force, but also by creating AES Television, AES Radio, and AES print media,” he said, framing these platforms as tools to counter disinformation and psychological warfare.
The military launch follows a series of symbolic and political moves that underline the bloc’s growing autonomy. Earlier in the year, the AES unveiled a new flag, representing the confederation’s shared identity and its intention to redefine political, economic, and security cooperation outside the shadow of French imperialism and Western neoliberal frameworks. Leaders of the bloc have repeatedly criticized past military partnerships with France and other Western powers, arguing that foreign interventions failed to bring peace while undermining national sovereignty.
The AES summit
Mali hosted a summit of the Alliance of Sahel States in the same week, which concluded on Tuesday, December 23. During the summit, Burkina Faso’s leader, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, was appointed as the new head of the Alliance of Sahel States. Following the meeting, the Alliance announced that the summit would be followed by a large-scale military operation.
Earlier this year, the three countries (The Alliance of Sahel States) also introduced a joint AES passport, a major step toward deeper integration. This move came after Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger formally withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), an organization they now openly describe as hostile.
The launch of the unified force also takes place amid rising regional tensions. Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire, both influential ECOWAS members, have been criticized by AES leaders and their supporters for what they see as counterrevolutionary postures. In official and popular discourse within the Sahel, these countries are increasingly portrayed as attempting to contain or reverse the radical political shifts unfolding in Bamako, Ouagadougou, and Niamey.
What is clear is that Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger (The Alliance of Sahel States) are charting a new path, one that is redefining power, alliances, and resistance in the heart of West Africa.
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, widely known by his praise name Msholozi, was born on 12 April 1942 in Nkandla, a rural area in what was then northern Natal, now KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. He was the eldest child of Nobhekisisa Zuma and his second wife, Ginamazwi, in a large polygamous household. His mother bore three sons for Zuma’s father, with Jacob being the firstborn, while his father’s first marriage produced seven children.
Zuma’s distinctive middle name, Gedleyihlekisa, was deliberately crafted by his father from a Zulu expression that loosely translates to: “I cannot remain silent when affection is offered dishonestly.” The name would later be seen by many as symbolic of Zuma’s outspoken and defiant character.
His early life was shaped by hardship. Zuma’s father, a police officer, died while Jacob was still a child. Following this loss, his mother returned with him to her ancestral home in KwaMaphumulo, where Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma grew up in deeply rural surroundings. By the age of seven or eight, while many children his age were attending school, he was already tending his grandfather’s cattle. Like other young herders, he took part in traditional stick fighting, a practice in which he reportedly showed notable skill.
Formal education was largely inaccessible to Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma during these years. Although his mother wished to take him back to Nkandla, the absence of a school meant he remained behind in kwaMaphumulo, caring for livestock. Eventually, his mother left for Durban to work as a domestic worker, leaving young Jacob in the countryside.
Despite these limitations, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma developed a strong desire to learn. He taught himself to read by studying the schoolbooks of other children. Demonstrating early initiative, he and a group of friends organised informal night lessons, persuading a woman who had completed Standard Four (Grade Six) to teach them. They pooled together 25 cents to pay her for the classes—an early testament to his determination and resourcefulness.
As a teenager, Zuma would occasionally visit his mother in Cato Manor (uMkhumbane), Durban. He was not permitted to enter the homes where she worked and instead wandered the city, seeking employment and observing urban life under apartheid. During this period, his political awareness deepened. Stories of the Bambatha Rebellion—recounted by elders who had lived through it—left a lasting impression on him.
An even greater influence was his elder stepbrother, Muntukabongwa Zuma, a World War II veteran who later became a trade unionist and an active member of the African National Congress (ANC). Through him, Zuma was introduced to organised resistance politics. While moving between Cato Manor and Greyville, he witnessed ANC volunteers mobilising communities, an experience that drew him directly into political activism.
By 1959, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma formally joined the African National Congress, the ANC Youth League (ANCYL), and the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU). He became a regular attendee at political and trade union meetings held at Lakhani Chambers in central Durban. Between 1960 and 1963, he underwent structured political education there, laying the ideological foundation for his later role in South Africa’s liberation struggle.
Anti-Apartheid political Activities, Arrest and Imprisonment of Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma
The banning of the ANC in 1960 led to the formation of its armed wing, uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK). Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma soon became involved with the armed struggle, and participated in sabotage actions in Natal. As was common for aspirant MK cadres at the time, he also planned to leave South Africa for military training abroad. During this period, he came under the influence of a relative, Obed Zuma, and Stephen Dlamini and Moses Mabhida who were leading figures in SACTU. Zuma began attending evening political classes under the tutorship of Mabhida and Dlamini over a period of three years. Eventually, in 1963, Zuma was recruited as an active member of MK by Mabhida.
A plan was conceived by MK to send 45 new recruits to Zambia aboard the ‘Freedom Ferry’ for military training. Zuma was part of this group. However, the plan was uncovered by the security police who organised an operation to arrest the group. In June 1963, as the group embarked on a journey to Botswana, Zuma, alongside others, was arrested in the Groot Marico area near Zeerust, in the Western Transvaal (now North West Province).
Zuma was detained under the 90 day detention law in solitary confinement at Hercules police station before being transferred to the Hercules Police Station near Pretoria. He was interrogated and beaten, even though the police already had enough evidence to secure a conviction. Thereafter, he was held in solitary confinement for 90-days. The trial was held at the Pretoria Old Synagogue with Judge Fritz Steyn, presiding.
On 12 August 1963, Zuma, at the age of 21, was convicted and sentenced to 10 years in prison for conspiring to overthrow the government. Along with some of his comrades, he was taken from Pretoria to Leeukop Prison outside Pretoria before being transported to Robben Island to serve his sentence. The vehicle stopped for an overnight sleep in Colesberg to collect other prisoners. It was here that Zuma met his long-time friend Ebrahim ‘Ebie’ Ebrahim. The handcuffed prisoners were also placed in leg irons for the entire journey, in a windowless van, with just a sanitary bucket for comfort.
Robben Island
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma entered Robben Island on 30 December 1963, sharing a communal cell with a group of between 30 and 50 other prisoners, washing in cold water (prisoners only got hot water in 1973) and eating boiled mealies (maize) three times a day. African prisoners were given a different diet from the Coloured and Indian prisoners on the island. For the ten years that he was on Robben Island, Zuma never received a single visitor. His mother, on her domestic worker’s salary, was scarcely able to afford the fare. Cognisant of this fact, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma wrote to her, telling her to rather keep her income to look after his brothers and sisters.
Together with other prisoners on the island, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma worked in the blue stone quarry digging and crushing slate for the construction of more prison cells. He was among the prisoners from Natal who initiated political study groups. He also served in a number of positions in ANC structures, which included being a group leader, a Public Relations Officer, cell leader and Chairman of the Political Committee, organising political discussions. After prisoners fought for more rights in prison, sport was eventually permitted.
Zuma took advantage of this new dispensation and played soccer whenever he could; he even became captain of the Rangers, the Robben Island team for which he played. He was also part of a choral and traditional dance group, as well as playing table tennis and chess and participating in athletic events on the island.
Release, Resumption of political Activities and Exile
On Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s release on 29 December 1973, he was taken to Pietermaritzburg police cells where he was detained for another two weeks before being taken to Nkandla, where he was eventually released. After his release, Phyllis Naidoo, an attorney in Durban who was herself later banned and forced into exile, found work for Zuma in a pet shop in Durban. However, behind the scenes, Zuma resumed his political activities. He was, for instance, instrumental in the re-establishment of ANC underground structures in Natal between 1974 and 1975, where he helped to provoke industrial unrest, aiding some 160 000 workers there to go on strike.
During this time, he also became part of an initiative, led by Harry Gwala, to recruit and send young people out of the country for military training. His primary responsibility was to ensure a safe passage for recruits into Mozambique and their re-entry into South Africa, with weapons and further instructions from the MK leadership in exile.
In his private life, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma took advantage of being free from jail by marrying his childhood sweetheart, Sizakele Gertrude Khumalo in 1973. However, following Harry Gwala’s arrest at the end of a workers’ strike in 1975, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma left the country for Swaziland that December. His new wife decided not go with him, preferring instead to wait for his return as she had done while he was in prison on Robben Island. Their marriage did not survive the separation.
Over the next few years, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was based first in Swaziland and then Mozambique. In Swaziland, he met with other ANC comrades, among whom, future President Thabo Mbeki, who allegedly first taught Zuma how to use a gun..
Early in 1976, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma secretly entered South Africa to re-establish contact with activists in the Durban area. Then, in March 1976, along with Thabo Mbeki and Albert Dlomo, Zuma was arrested and held at the Matsapha prison in Swaziland but managed to avoid deportation. Two other ANC members were, however, kidnapped from Swaziland and imprisoned in South Africa. After the intervention of Oliver Tambo, who sent Moses Mabhida and Thomas Nkobi to assist, Zuma, along with his comrades, was released in April 1976 and deported to Mozambique, where he first served as the official ANC Deputy Chief Representative and later the Chief Representative.
During this period, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was involved in underground work with Thabo Mbeki and others, supporting ANC structures operating mainly inside South Africa. Zuma was deployed to work largely within the Natal machinery. Later, whilst in Mozambique, Zuma dealt also with the thousands of young people that left South Africa after the Soweto uprising in June 1976. However, Zuma’s work remained largely focused on the internal underground of the ANC.
After the formation of the Internal Political Reconstruction Committee (IPRC) in Mozambique, in 1977, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, Indres Naidoo and John Nkadimeng were drafted into the ANC Maputo Regional Committee. Zuma was also co-opted as a member of the ANC National Executive Committee (NEC) in 1977. That same year, Zuma began working for the SACP, and in 1978 completed a three month leadership and military training course in the Soviet Union.
By 1984, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma had been elected the Deputy Chief Representative of the ANC, the year the Nkomati Accord was signed between Mozambique and South Africa. After this accord was signed, Zuma was appointed as Chief Representative of the ANC and remained in Mozambique. He was re-elected to the ANC’s NEC at the Kabwe Conference in 1985. Zuma also served on the ANC’s Military and Political Committees after its formation in the mid-80s, and the Intelligence Department at the ANC Head Office in Lusaka, Zambia.
By 1986, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma commanded the Mandla Judson Kuzwayo (MJK) unit while he was still in Mozambique. Headed by Yunis Shaik (Mandla), together with his brother Moe Shaik (Judson) and Jayendra Naidoo (Kuzwayo), the unit infiltrated the Security police in Durban and were able to access information relating to informers that the Security Police used. Due to this, the South African government requested Mozambican authorities to expel six senior members of the ANC from Mozambique, including Jacob Zuma. In response, the ANC moved him to Lusaka, Zambia where he was appointed the Chief of Intelligence Department.
Along with Mbeki, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma formed part of the ANC President, Oliver Tambo’s negotiation team, which met with the South African government representatives in the late 1980s to early 1990s.
Among the first of these meetings, in November 1987, Zuma, together with Mbeki, was present at a meeting arranged by Professor Willie Esterhuyse and a few of his colleagues. Several similar meetings would follow where Zuma would participate.
Return to South Africa
After the ANC was unbanned in February 1990, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma clandestinely returned to the country in March, alongside Penuell Maduna and Mathews Phosa, to work as part of a steering committee tasked with identifying remaining obstacles to negotiations between the government and the ANC. Later he was involved in negotiations which resulted in the signing of the Groote-Schuur Minute, an agreement that outlined important decisions regarding the return of exiles and the release of political prisoners.
Subsequently, in August 1990, when Mandela, Mbeki and Zuma were abroad, Cyril Ramaphosa, then the Secretary General of the ANC convened the ANC’s National Working Committee (NWC) axed Zuma from his position as head of intelligence and replaced Mbeki as head of the ANC’s negotiations with the Government. Nonetheless, in November 1990, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was elected Chairperson of the ANC’s Southern Natal region.
In 1991 Zuma, together with Frank Mdlalose, national Chair of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), set up the Peace and Reconstruction Foundation to rebuild the devastation following internecine battles between the ANC and the IFP. He is largely credited with weakening the IFP’s grip on power in kwaZulu-Natal and the diminishing support for the party.
In December 1991, at the first ANC conference held in South Africa since 1959, Zuma was elected Deputy Secretary General and attended the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), where he served as the chair of the ANC’s negotiations commission. By the end of 1990, Zuma had left the SACP as a member, dedicating himself fully to the ANC.
In 1993 the ANC set up the Motsuenyane Commission to investigate human rights abuses that occurred in ANC detention camps from 1979 to 1991. It was chaired by Dr. S.M. Motsuenyane, and assisted by two other commissioners, the Hon. Margaret Burnham and Advocate D.M. Zamchiya. The Commission reported that the ANC was guilty of torture in its camps and that specific individuals were responsible for these abuses. The Commission was not happy with Zuma’s explanation of events that took place and condemned him for not exercising proper supervision.
Another controversy with which Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s name was connected was in relation to the death of Muziwakhe Ngwenya (MK name -Thami Zulu – TZ) in 1989. Whilst there was no direct reference to Zuma in the hearing, he was implicated in Zulu’s death. The ANC had asked the Truth Commission to help uncover whether former MK Commander Thami Zulu was an “enemy agent”. The Commission had already been approached by Zulu’s family to help find the truth behind his 14-month detention in exile under suspicion of being a spy, and his death a week after his release. In its written submission to the Commission, the ANC said Zulu, who had AIDS, had died of poisoning after his release, “and to this day it is a matter of conjecture as to who administered this poison and why this was done”. They went on to add that “[t]he (ANC’s) Department of Intelligence and Security has reason to believe that an agent or agents of the regime were responsible.”
Mbeki said an ANC internal Commission of Inquiry into Zulu’s case had not made any conclusive finding about this. The ANC Commission’s report was among the documents provided to the TRC in an appendix to the party’s written submission. Mbeki denied that Zulu had been kept in an ANC detention centre under suspicion of being a spy. Mbeki also denied claims made by Zulu’s family to the commission that it had not been informed of the circumstances of Zulu’s detention and death in exile.
The family had visited Lusaka twice, paid for by the ANC, and had been given the post-mortem report and other information. “He was never charged with being an enemy agent, nor was such a charge pending. Even if he was released on medical grounds, the fact is that once he was set free his status was the same as that of any other member of the ANC. In short, there was no irrefutable proof that Zuma was in any way responsible or linked to Zulu’s death, yet the accusation had been made.
Another incident where Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was prominently involved related to a former police officer, Butana Almond Nofomela, who was due to hang for the murder of a farmer in 1989. On the eve of his execution he asked to speak to Lawyers for Human Rights. Nofomela gave an affidavit stating that he was part of a state assassination squad (based at Vlakplaas) and that he had been involved in the murder of leading political figures in the resistance movement. He won a reprieve. Journalist Jacques Pauw on the Vrye Weekblad broke the exclusive story, which Dirk Coetzee, a former commander of the hit squad based at Vlakplaas, confirmed. Coetzee agreed for the story to be published on condition that the ANC protect him. The ANC agreed.
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was placed in charge of this project. In the meantime Coetzee’s wife embarked on an affair with another Security Police plant. Coetzee was furious to learn about this whilst in Lusaka. Zuma arranged for Coetzee’s wife to be flown to Lusaka to help save the marriage, and Coetzee was always grateful to Zuma for this act of kindness.
In January 1994, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was nominated as the ANC candidate for the Premiership of Natal. This did not materialise since the ANC lost to the IFP in the provincial elections. Later that year, Zuma was appointed MEC of Economic Affairs and Tourism for the KZN provincial government, a position he would hold until June 1999.
Following the 1994 general elections, at the ANC’s national conference, held in Bloemfontein, Zuma was elected both Chairman of the party and Chairperson of the ANC in Natal. An exception was made in the ANC constitution to allow Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma to hold both positions.
He was also one of the people who suggested Mbeki’s name for the position of the country’s Deputy President.
Five years later, at the ANC’s National Conference held at Mafikeng in December 1997, Zuma was elected as the ANC’s Deputy President. In 1999 he was appointed as the Deputy President of South Africa, a position he held until he was relieved of duties by then state president Thabo Mbeki in June 2005.
Ascendancy to Power
On 18 December 2007, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was elected as President of the ANC at the party’s 52nd national conference in Polokwane, Limpopo. Zuma polled 2 329 votes against his opponent, Mbeki, who received 1 505 votes. In his closing address to the conference, Zuma stressed the unity of the organisation as being paramount. He also paid tribute to Mbeki and the work that he had done over the years for the ANC and the country. This meant, in effect, that for a brief period, Mbeki retained the office of state President, but Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was the President of the ANC.
After Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s election, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) served him with an indictment on charges of corruption, fraud and money laundering. On 12 September 2008, Judge Chris Nicholson, sitting in the Pietermaritzburg High Court, held, inter alia, that the corruption charges were unlawful on procedural grounds. Mbeki applied to the Constitutional Court to appeal the Nicholson verdict, which the NPA opposed. Zuma also stated that he opposed Mbeki’s application.
On 20 September 2008, the ANC NEC resolved to recall Thabo Mbeki as head of state. He was replaced by Kgalema Mothlante who became the third president of the Republic of South Africa. He held office for approximately 7 and a half months (between 25 September 2008 and 9 May 2009). The NPA later withdrew all 16 charges (of racketeering, corruption, fraud and tax evasion) against Zuma in the Durban High Court on 6 May 2009, paving the way for Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma to make a push for the office of state President.
After the charges were withdrawn, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was elected President of the Republic of South Africa on 6 May 2009. He was inaugurated at the Union Buildings in Pretoria on 9 May 2009, stating at the time that he would prefer to serve just one term as President. In the event, however, he ran for the position twice, winning the majority of the national vote on both occasions.
Zuma’s first term in the Presidency ran from 2009- 2014, during which time, Zuma’s long-time acquaintance and former financial advisor, Schabir Shaik was released from jail on medical parole, just 28 months into his 15 year jail sentence. This fueled speculation that the new President may have had a hand in negotiating his release, especially in light of comments Zuma had made prior to Shaik’s release indicating publicly that he would personally oversee Shaik’s acquittal. He also took over from Thabo Mbeki as mediator in resolving the Zimbabwe political crises under the banner of Southern African Development Community (SADC).
On 14 January 2014, the ANC announced that Zuma would be their only candidate for the upcoming general elections. On 21 May that year, Zuma was again elected as President of the Republic, beginning a second term.Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s next stint as Head of State continued in similar fashion, with more controversy seemingly following his every move. In February 2016 then Public Prosecutor, Thuli Madonsela, found Zuma guilty of having exceeded his powers of office by using state funds to upgrade his Nkandla homestead and ordered him to pay back R7.8 million (see below).
Socio-Economic Policy Changes under Zuma
In 2010, Zuma announced the adoption of the New Growth Path (NGP) during his State of the Nation address. The NGP replaced the ASGISA initiative which was introduced under Mbeki as the principal economic policy driver for South Africa.
Subsequently, at the Mangaung conference in 2012, the National Development Plan (NDP) was endorsed by the ANC and adopted as the long term strategic vision and blueprint for socio-economic development for the country. The NDP sets out the goals the country plans to achieve by 2030, builds consensus on the key obstacles to achieving these goals and what should be done to overcome those obstacles, as well as providing a shared long term strategic framework that allows for more detailed and effective planning and creates a basis for deciding how best to use limited resources.
The realisation of the vision elucidated in the NDP has been hampered by the fact that certain underlying assumptions, especially those around economic growth, have not been realised. The ANC has stated that it will be reviewing the NDP at its 2017 policy conference.
In 2015, during his State of the Nation address, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma unveiled his Nine-Point Plan, aimed at boosting economic growth and creating jobs in the medium term. The plan’s components included:
1. Resolving the energy challenge;
2. Revitalising agriculture and the agro-processing value chain;
3. Advancing beneficiation or adding value to the mineral wealth;
4. More effective implementation of a higher impact Industrial Policy Action Plan (IPAP); 5.Encouraging private sector investment;
6. Moderating workplace conflict;
7. Unlocking the potential of SMMEs, cooperatives, townships and rural enterprises;
8. Boosting the role of state-owned enterprises, ICT infrastructure and broadband rollout, water, sanitation and transport infrastructure;
9. Operation Phakisa, aimed at growing the ocean economy and other sectors.
In September 2016, when answering questions in Parliament, Zuma appeared unclear on the plans points, responding to a question posed by an opposition MP by saying “We’ve talked about it many times in this Parliament. The honourable speaker is very much aware of the 9-point plan, we’ve talked about that. One of them is agriculture. There are many.”
Combatting HIV/AIDs and other health gains
Life expectancy in South Africa has risen from 56.8 years in 2009 to 62.4 years in 2016 according to mid year estimates generated by Statistics SA. This improvement is largely attributable to changes in government policy under Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma on combatting TB and HIV/AIDs. Policies in this regard have included improving access to and uptake of ARVs as well as a widespread HIV Counselling and Testing campaign. This ARV rollout has also had significant impact on the infant and child mortality rates, by reducing mother-to-child transmissions.
Under Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s administration, discussion around the introduction of National Health insurance has been ongoing, and a regulatory body has been set up to regulate compliance with norms and standards. The Office of Health Standards Compliance includes within its auspices the Health Ombud, and the first Ombudsman, Professor Malegapuru Makgoba, was appointed on 1 June 2016. His report on the death of psychiatric patients moved out of the Life Esidimeni Hospital by the Gauteng Health Department served as a scathing indictment of the apparent cost-saving measures adopted by the Department that resulted in the deaths of at least 94 people. The report concluded that the decision was “fundamentally flawed, irrational, unwise and inhumane”.
Nkandla homestead and other controversies
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s second term in the President’s Office has seen him embroiled in a number of polemic issues. One major controversy relates to costly upgrades to his private home in Nkandla, kwaZulu-Natal. Mail & Guardian journalists, Mandy Rossouw and Chris Roper accidentally stumbled on the Nkandla development in November 2009 while on a story in Nkandla. It was the late Rossouw who noticed the construction works and managed to get into the building area. She wrote a story which was quite a scoop.
In May 2009, a security assessment of Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s Nkandla residence in kwaZulu-Natal was done by state security. State security personnel recommend improvements of around R27.9m. By June 2010, R77m from other programmes had been directed to the Nkandla security upgrades. These programmes included plans for city regeneration.
There was approval for R38.9m in 2010/11 but this is still subject to some controversy as to who actually approved this amount. By 2013, reports revealed that R203m of taxpayers’ money would be used in the revamping of the building. Public outrage ensued, with government issuing reports that impropriety was involved. On 1 October 2012 the Minister of Public Works, Thulas Nxesi issued a statement on the Nkandla Presidential Residence:
“Please be advised that Nkandla Presidential Residence, like all other presidential residences in South Africa, is declared a National Key Point in terms of the National Key Point Act 102 of 1980 (“the Act”). Therefore, any information relating to security measures of a National Key Point is protected from disclosure in terms of the Act, the provisions of the Protection of Information Act, the Minimum Information Security Standards (MISS) and other relevant security prescripts of the State Security Agency.”
In October 2012, the Public Protector Thuli Madonsela began an investigation into the publicly funded construction at Nkandla. Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma addressed Parliament in November 2012 and claimed that the costs of Nkandla upgrades are due to the National Key Points Act. He further claimed that his family paid for the costs of the building. The state then filed a court order to prevent Public Protector Thuli Madonsela from releasing her report on Nkandla. Nonetheless, Madonsela was within the law and released her 450 page long and a 75-page executive summary report entitled Secure in Comfort, on the controversial upgrades to President Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s Nkandla homestead. Madonsela said Zuma must pay for the non-security upgrades at his home, which included a visitors’ centre, an amphitheatre, a swimming pool, a cattle kraal, a culvert, a chicken run and extensive paving.
There was immense public outrage and opposition parties were united in their condemnation of the “Nkandla saga”. For example, the Democratic Alliance called for the impeachment of Zuma. According to Madonsela’s report the final costs of Nkandla are “conservatively estimated” to amount to R246m, but could be higher. Recent newspaper articles claim that the costs maybe closer to R266m.
In the second half of 2014, the Economic Freedom Fighters [EFF] began to challenge Zuma in Parliament on the Nkandla question, demanding that he respond to Parliament on questions about the payments for Nkandla. In August of 2014 the EFF began to use the slogan, ‘pay back the money’ in response to Zuma’s unwillingness to speak on the Nkandla scandal.
President Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s State of the Nation Address (SONA) on 12 February 2015 was marked by one of the most controversial breaches of Parliamentary law in recent South African history. Prior to the address, the EFF had been agitating the Zuma should ‘pay back the money’ spent on Nkandla and had warned that they were going to bring up the Nkandla question during Zuma’s State of the Nation address.
During Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma’s speech to Parliament a member from the EFF began to raise points of order. Members of the EFF were subsequently asked by the Speaker to leave Parliament, but they refused to do so arguing that they had the parliamentary right to raise a point of order during any parliamentary session. The Speaker then asked security officers to enter the building and the EFF members were forcefully removed from Parliament. In response to the belief that some of the security personnel were undercover policemen and the severe breach of parliamentary law in allowing for members to be forcefully removed from Parliament, the opposition DA party also walked out of Parliament in protest. This incident, coupled with an attempt to jam the signals of reporters in Parliament cast a dark shadow over President Zuma’s 2015 State of the Nation address.
In Parliament debate continued for days over the occurrences at SONA with many Parliamentarians standing up to speak against Zuma and the actions of his government on the day. The leader of the DA, Mmusi Maimane, went so far as to tell Zuma, ‘you broke Parliament’.
On 19 February 2015, Zuma responded to Parliament on the accusations and questions around his State of the Nation Address. In this address Zuma began by stating that 2015 was ‘the year of going the extra mile in building a united, democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous South Africa. It is also the year of rededicating ourselves to eradicate racism and all related intolerances in our country.’ On the issue of the signal jamming Zuma said it was ‘an unfortunate incident and it should never happen again’.
Uproar on Teen Pregnancy Statements
In late March 2015 President Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma once again found himself at the centre of controversy when in an annual address to traditional leaders, Zuma argued that teen mothers should be separated from their children until they had finished school. He told the leaders, ‘they must be educated by government until they are empowered and they can take care of their kids, take them to Robben Island or any other island, sit there, study until they are qualified to come back and work to look after their kids.’ Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma acknowledged that his statements would cause controversy, but he felt that allowing teenage mothers to leave school in order to look after their children was proving an untenable burden on society and the state’s welfare bill.
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma further stated, ‘in no way can you have young kids being mothers of other kids and young boys being fathers of kids, They know nothing of it.’ Zuma’s statements caused a furore, especially amongst women’s rights activists who saw Zuma’s statements as an attack on women and the rights of young teenage mothers. In response to the furore, President Zuma’s office issued a statement which read that ‘President Zuma was emphasising the need for teenagers to focus on their studies and said children should not be raising children’.
Court cases
During his tenure as Deputy President of South Africa, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was also involved in controversies, which resulted in major legal problems. In 2002, Zuma was implicated in a major corruption scandal, in connection with the trial of his close associate Schabir Shaik.
The state alleged that Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma used his position in government to enrich himself by benefitting from Shaik and companies involved in the procuring of arms for the state. It was further alleged that he violated ‘The Code of Conduct in Regard to Financial Interests’ to which all cabinet members are bound. In Shaik’s court case, Judge Hilary Squires said that Shaik, Zuma and Alain Thetard – the local director of an arms company involved, Thomson (later Thint) – met in Durban and agreed that Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma would receive R500 000 a year in return for protecting the arms company from any investigation regarding its role in the arms deal acquisition, which became a serious issue for the country. Bulelani Ngcuka, then National Director of Public Prosecutions and Maduna, then Minister of Justice announced at a media conference that the National Prosecuting Authority’s (NPA) decision was not to prosecute Zuma for corruption; however Shaik was to be charged for fraud and corruption.
Ngcuka had said that although Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was clearly involved, the NPA did not have a winnable case against Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma. Shaik at his trial said that the financial relationship between Zuma and himself were loans made in friendship and not as a result of corruption. He had realised that Zuma was experiencing severe financial difficulties. Nevertheless, on 2 June 2005, Shaik was convicted at the Durban High Court on two counts of corruption and one of fraud relating to bribes he allegedly paid to influence Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma in order to win government contracts for Shaik’s company, Nkobi Holdings.
On 6 November 2006, the Supreme Court of appeal (SCA) in Bloemfontein, Free State Province upheld Shaik’s fraud and corruption charges and he was set to begin his 15 year sentence at Durban’s Westville Prison. The five SCA judges agreed with Judge Squires findings that Shaik had made 238 payments to Zuma totalling R1.2 million and that it was not because of their friendship.
On 14 June 2005, President Mbeki relieved Zuma of his duties as Deputy President of the country, but he remained Deputy President of the ANC. This, in a sense, divided the ANC and there was groundswell of support for Zuma. At a meeting of the ANC’s leaders, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma offered to step down to clear his name, a move which was accepted. However, this was overturned by delegates at the ANC’s National General Council (NGC). However, he resigned his parliamentary seat, almost immediately after the sacking, although as an elected person he could have opted to stay on. On 20 June 2005, Vusi Pikoli, the National Director of Public Prosecutions who succeeded Ngcuka, announced through his spokesperson, Makhosini Nkosi that Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma would be charged with corruption.
On 29 June 2005, Zuma appeared in the Durban Magistrates Court on two counts of corruption, including bribery related to attempting to influence an investigation into the 1999 arms deal. He was released on R1000 bail. Nonetheless, Zuma’s legal woes increased. On 8 August 2005, Aubrey Thanda Mngwengwe, the acting investigating director of the Directorate of Special Operations (DSO or Scorpions) decided to extend an investigation to include fraud in connection with Zuma’s declarations to the Registrar of Parliamentary Members Interests and the South African Revenue Services (SARS) for benefits he received from Shabir Shaik.
On 20 September 2006 Judge Herbert Msimang struck the corruption case against Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma in the Pietermaritzburg High Court in kwaZulu-Natal on the grounds that the State had charged Zuma before properly investigating and preparing its case against him.
Further controversy arose in November 2005, when Zuma was accused of raping Fezekile Ntsukela Kuzwayo, on 2 October 2005 at his Forest Town, Johannesburg home. Fezekile was known as Khwezi during and after the trials (it is illegal to publish the names of a rape complainant). Fezekile’s father and Zuma were both members of MK and served prison sentence together on Robben. Fezekile laid a charge on 4 November at the police station in Hillbrow, Johannesburg. Questions arose whether then Minister of Intelligence, Ronnie Kasrils, had a hand in Fezekile laying a charge against Zuma, which Kasrils has denied, despite the fact that Fezekile did speak to Kasrils before she laid her complaint at the police station.
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma informed the ANC NEC that allegations of rape had been made against him, but issued a denial through his lawyer Michael Hulley. He went on trial on 13 February 2006. Judge President of the Transvaal Provincial Division, Bernard Ngoepe withdrew on the grounds that Zuma’s legal team asked for his recusal as he had signed the warrant in 2005 to search Zuma’s homes. Judge Phineas Mojapelo recused himself on the grounds that he had worked with Zuma during the days of the struggle. Ngope’s Deputy, Judge Jeremiah ‘Jerry’ Shongwe was the brother of Minah Shongwe, the mother of one of Zuma’s children Edward.
The Judge President was unaware of this and when he came to learn about the relationship of Zuma and Minah Shongwe, he had the case stood down and another judge appointed in Shongwe’s place. Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma argued that he had consensual sex with the alleged rape victim. He acknowledged making a mistake by having unprotected sex with an HIV positive woman and that he had taken a shower after sex with her to minimise the risk of contracting AIDS.
The trial was heavily publicised in the media and on 8 May 2006, the presiding Judge, Willem van der Merwe, acquitted Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma of the rape charge. He endured both negative and positive public response to the case. A few days after the trial, Zuma apologised to the nation and the complainant. After his acquittal, he was reinstated as ANC Deputy President.
Further controversy arose in 2010 when it emerged that Zuma had fathered a child with Sonono Khoza, daughter of Irvin Khoza, the Orlando Pirates football club chair, and former chair of the African 2010 Soccer World Cup local organising committee.
The Controversy of ‘The Spear’
In May 2012, the artist Brett Murray put on display a painting of President Zuma at the Goodman Gallery in Johannesburg entitled ‘The Spear’. The painting depicted President Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma in the stance of Vladimir Lenin but with his genitalia exposed.
On 17 May 2012, the ANC released a press statement expressing outrage over the painting as ‘obscene’ and ‘vulgar’. Zuma himself stated that the portrait, ‘has the effect of impugning my dignity in the eyes of all who see it. In particular, the portrait depicts me in a manner that suggests that I am a philanderer, a womaniser and one with no respect. It is an undignified depiction of my personality and seeks to create doubt about my personality in the eyes of my fellow citizens, family and children’.
He also said that he felt ‘personally offended and violated’ by the portrait. Supporters of the President, who saw the painting as an affront on his dignity, marched to the gallery demanding the painting be taken down. On 22 May 2012, the artwork was vandalized by two men who covered the painting in red and black paint. The men were immediately arrested and one of the culprits was badly beaten by the attendant security guard. President Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma threatened to go to court over the painting. The controversy around ‘The Spear’ sparked widespread debate in South Africa around questions of censorship, freedom of expression and racism, with many seeing the explicit portrayal of Jacob Zuma with his genitals exposed as a racist sexualisation of the African male.
There was an attempt by the Film and Publication Board to place an age restriction on the painting but this was contested in court and so did not hold. President Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma later said that he thought the painting ‘rather vulgar’, but added that ‘I don’t think in a country you can have people thinking and feeling exactly the same. I think it is [that] people have got their own ideas, they want to express them’.
Awards and Recognition
Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma has received several awards, including the Nelson Mandela Award for Outstanding Leadership in Washington DC, US (1998), and honorary doctorates from University of Fort Hare, University of Zululand, Medical University of Southern Africa, University of Limpopo (2001), University of Zambia (2009), American University of Nigeria, University of Abomey-Calavi of Benin (2011),Texas Southern University (2011), Honorary Professorship from the Peking University (PKU) of the People’s Republic of China (2012) and Honorary Doctorate of Leadership in Humanity from Limkokwing University, Malaysia (2013).
On October 1998, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma received the Nelson Mandela Award for Outstanding Leadership for his role in ending political violence in KwaZulu-Natal, in Washington DC in the United States of America (USA). That same year he established the Jacob Zuma RDP Educational Trust Fund which is geared towards assisting children from impoverished backgrounds with education.
In 2002, Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma was involved in mediation with Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and between Rwanda. Zuma’s role in the Burundi conflict was roundly recognised and acknowledged as a resounding success. Zuma also launched the Moral Regeneration Movement to galvanise government and civil society.
Resignation as President of South Africa
After several days of back and forth talks between Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma and the ANC NEC, the party informed the public and Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma that he would have until midnight on 14 February 2018 to step down or there would be a vote of no confidence in parliament the following day. The ANC and the opposition parties came to an agreement on the procedure of the vote and it was widely thought that Zuma would be voted out.
On 14 February 2018 the Hawks (South Africa’s elite crime-fighting unit) raided several properties belonging to the Gupta family who were seen as Zuma’s allies, patrons and allegedly the major benefactors of the perceived corrupt structures that had been created under Zuma’s presidency. During the day Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma gave an interview that indicated that he would not step down, he felt he had done nothing wrong and had been slighted by the party that he had given so much too. A number of analysts believed that he was trying to create a narrative in which he was the victim, one that it was felt was far removed from reality.
Just after 22:00 Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma gave a full media briefing. It was here that he announced his resignation as the president of South Africa.
Senegal has “decided to suspend” all extraditions to France, Dakar’s justice minister said on Thursday, December 11, accusing Paris of refusing to hand over two Senegalese citizens to the West African country.
Yassine Fall, the Senegalese Justice Minister, announced this decision during a parliamentary address on Thursday.
She mentioned that Dakar has repeatedly sought the extradition of two individuals currently residing in France without success.
Consequently, the country will not extradite 12 individuals sought by France until it receives a positive response to its own requests from Paris.
“If these individuals have committed crimes, we will detain them. We do not follow France’s approach. We do not allow them to remain at liberty,” Fall stated.
The justice minister did not disclose the names of the two citizens in question, but this decision comes shortly after French courts postponed until February a ruling regarding the potential return of Madiambal Diagne, a Senegalese media tycoon and government critic.
Diagne is the subject of a Senegalese arrest warrant concerning alleged financial misconduct. French courts have asked for more information to decide on the country’s extradition request, which the government claims to have provided.
Diagne’s attorneys argued that Dakar’s decision constitutes “diplomatic blackmail.”
They signed an extradition agreement with France in 2021.
The Republic of Senegal is located at the westernmost point of West Africa, along the coast of the Atlantic Ocean. It shares its northern border with Mauritania, its eastern border with Mali, its southeastern border with Guinea, and its southwestern border with Guinea-Bissau. The nation is almost completely encircled by The Gambia, which is a narrow country situated along the Gambia River, separating the southern area of Casamance from the rest of the country.
Additionally, it has a maritime boundary with Cape Verde. Dakar serves as the capital and largest city of the country.
As the westernmost nation on the mainland of the Old World, or Afro-Eurasia, Senegal derives its name from the Senegal River that runs along its northern and eastern borders. The climate is predominantly Sahelian, characterized by a rainy season.
The country spans nearly 197,000 square kilometers (76,000 square miles) and is home to a population of approximately 18 million people. The nation operates as a presidential republic and has been recognized since its establishment in 1960 as one of the most stable countries in Africa. According to the 2024 V-Dem Democracy Indices, the country ranks 68th globally in electoral democracy and 10th in Africa.
Madagascar President Warns of Coup Attempt After Military Unit Defects
Elite troops participate in youth-led utility protests that have grown to pose the biggest challenge to President Andry Rajoelina’s administration. In Madagascar, a rebellious army unit supporting anti-government demonstrators has appointed a new military leader after President Andry Rajoelina condemned a “illegal attempt to seize power.”
Armed Forces Minister Manantsoa Deramasinjaka Rakotoarivelo was present at the event held at the military headquarters on Sunday to install General Demosthene Pikulas by the Army Personnel Administration Centre (CAPSAT).
At the event in Antananarivo, the minister declared, “I give him my blessing.”
The youth-led protesters on Saturday were joined by the elite CAPSAT army unit, which was a key player in the 2009 coup that initially installed Rajoelina.
“From now on, all orders of the Malagasy army – whether land, air, or [naval] – will originate from CAPSAT headquarters,” the contingent asserted in a video statement released early on Sunday.
The announcement was made just hours after the president claimed that unidentified forces were trying to topple Rajoelina. Without giving specifics, the president said in a statement that “an attempted illegal and forcible seizure of power” was occurring in the African country.
After the army ceremony in the capital, Pikulas admitted to journalists that events in Madagascar over the past few days had been “unpredictable”.
“So the army has a responsibility to restore calm and peace throughout Madagascar,” he said.
Asked about calls for Rajoelina to resign, he said he refused to “discuss politics within a military facility”.
On Saturday, military personnel from CAPSAT had urged their comrades to stop following orders and instead back the youth-led uprising.
“We have become boot lickers,” some members of the unit said in a video posted on social media. “We have chosen to submit and execute orders, even illegal ones, instead of protecting the population and their property.”
“Do not obey orders from your superiors. Point your weapons at those who order you to fire on your comrades in arms because they will not take care of our families if we die,” they said.
CAPSAT Colonel Michael Randrianirina said his unit’s decision to join the protesters did not amount to a coup. “We answered the people’s calls, but it wasn’t a coup d’etat,” he told reporters.
Prime Minister Ruphin Fortunat Zafisambo, a military general appointed after Rajoelina dismissed his predecessor under pressure from demonstrators, said the government was “fully ready to listen and engage in dialogue with all factions – youth, unions or the military”.
People on the streets of Antananarivo were pleased about the announcement, said Al Jazeera’s Fahmida Miller, reporting from the city’s Independence Square on Sunday.
“People here say that his dismissal is important because it could mean that Andry Rajoelina could leave office. We don’t know if that’s the case; it could be that the Senate is trying to appease Malagasies who have been out protesting on the streets,” she said, but added that this in addition to CAPSAT coming out in support of the protesters has given many hope.
“What we can say is that Madagascar is in crisis,” Miller said. “[But] people here are optimistic that there is change coming. They call it a revolution. People here have given Andry Rajoelina one day to leave office … They are demanding that he leave office, they are also demanding that he apologise for the people who have been killed [by security forces].”
Madagascar’s army has a long history of intervening in politics during crises. Since independence from France in 1960, it has backed or led several power shifts, including coups in the 1970s and in 2009, when it helped oust President Marc Ravalomanana and bring Antananarivo’s reformist mayor, Rajoelina, to power.
Though the military has stayed mostly in the background in recent years, it remains an influential force in the country’s often fragile political landscape.
